The Federalist Papers

Among the many things I have learned over the years, it is that one can learn best the mechanism of a thing by asking the engineer of its making. The radio I listen to; the car I drive; the computer I am typing on as I compose this article – all of these things I have needed to see to some level of maintenance, and I would not dream of effecting such repairs or changes without asking someone who understands best how such things are done without reducing the proper function of the thing being repaired or changed.

It is, however, not very likely that I should have personal access to the engineers who designed the computer or car or radio in question. More likely is that I should have a manual containing the knowledge that the engineer would have had about the equipment I own and must now maintain. The actual engineer may live a good distance away, be retired, or even dead. However remote, and for whatever reason, the actual person is beyond my reach. Foreseeing this eventuality, the owner/operator/repair manual provides the needed information to allow those possessed of a modicum of ability to operate and – should the need arise – repair the equipment they own.

So it is with the Federalist Papers. A few statesmen – Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison – felt that it was worth informing the people of the state of New York of what was coming in the offering of a new Constitution. While any similar writings composed for other states have lapsed into obscurity, these letters remain today what they were when first published.

 

THE UTILITY OF THE UNION TO POLITICAL PROSPERITY

The first section – referred to as "Importance of The Union" – deals with the benefits of The Union, as opposed to the two other proffered alternatives: a collection of three confederations, or a free collection of separate states. Addressed are the inducements in its favor, the obstacles standing against it, and the arguments supporting these. Issues touch on security, international prestige, and economy, with further detailing of these issues regarding internal and external arena.

 

THE INSUFFICIENCY OF THE PRESENT CONFEDERATION TO PRESERVE THAT UNION

This second section – often called, "Defects of the Articles of Confederation" – outlines where the Articles of Confederation, which had been the guiding law of the land so far, had failed in their mission to guide and govern the affairs of American citizens. As was made very clear in the first part of this section, the government of the United States had been so poorly managed under the authority of the Articles that the confederation had all but come undone. This to the debasement, humiliation, spite, and – if not dealt with decisively and soon – the ruin of this fledgling nation. Through comparison of this current form of government with all known similar historical instances, the author determines what have been the most likely failings in our own instance; he then goes on to posit some worthy and practicable solutions to our own troubles.

 

THE NECESSITY OF A GOVERNMENT, AT LEAST EQUALLY ENERGETIC WITH THE ONE PROPOSED, TO THE ATTAINMENT OF THIS OBJECT

In the third segment of letters, the focus is on how involved and empowered the government to come would have to be. Up to this time, the central government had intentionally been left rather weak, in order that the sovereign states might function in their own interests while remaining part of the whole. The problems began to manifest when larger states sought primacy within the confederation, or when smaller states feared such – agreements struck between neighboring states and then lightly forgotten, debts incurred and then ignored when payment was inconvenient, and even declarations of war between neighboring states when larger states sought the advantage over lesser, or when lesser states feared as much.

These flaws in the original plan became evident in a surprisingly short time. They manifested as land disputes – between individual landholders and between states – and even open rebellions.

It became clear that there had to be more power for the federal government to mediate between the states, not just to act on the part of the United States with foreign governments. There had to be some authority that would stand between the several states, keeping them from acting in their own interest and reminding them of the common interest of the Union.

 

THE CONFORMITY OF THE PROPOSED CONSTITUTION TO THE TRUE PRINCIPLES OF REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT

The fourth set of letters, called "The Republican Form of Government", sets about defining the characteristics, benefits, and weaknesses of a government through representation. The idea of being represented in a central government was only reasonable, considering that the seat of the federal government was likely to be many miles and many days from most peoples' homes; it would be not work to drag people from their homes and livelihoods in order to conduct the business of the government. Neither would it make sense to insist that the government travel the length and breadth of the land in order to see to it that every citizen was informed; nothing would ever get done

The most sensible, reasonable approach would be to have a representative in government for so many citizens – say, 30,000 – to allow that representative to bring the interests of the people to the seat of government, and then return the business of the government to their constituents.

Further discussed are: the powers of the proposed new constitution and how these powers compare to and grow from the earlier form of government; the inevitable restrictions on the powers of the states; the transfer of power from the states to the federal government, with reasons to welcome it and to fear it; how the two levels of power – state and federal – would be alike and different; how the power of the new government would be balanced; and the inclusion of the fourth branch of government – the Popular branch, or the people – when any of the other three branches began to step outside of their strict boundaries, as well as at other times.

 

ITS ANALOGY TO YOUR OWN STATE CONSTITUTION

The next three collections of letters – titled "The Legislative Branch", "The Executive Branch", and "The Judicial Branch" – are breakdowns of how the federal government under the proposed Constitution shall mirror the similar functions of the state governments. By structuring the new government with the same basic framework as tested and trusted governments functioning within the several states, the framers thought to minimize the problems of accommodation and familiarization – the people coming to work in the federal government would simply be taking their experience and understanding of government and applying it to a new level.

This was a brilliant stroke on the part of the builders and engineers of the new government. With so much opposition to the changes, it would be a simple matter for the officers and politicians currently in place to weave tales of confusion and hopelessly muddled policies in order to cow the populace into giving up on the new plan. By heading off this option and offering the powers-in-place an irresistible olive branch at the same time, the architects of the new plan guaranteed that they would get what they were working for.

 

THE ADDITIONAL SECURITY WHICH ITS ADOPTION WILL AFFORD TO THE PRESERVATIONS OF THAT SPECIES OF GOVERNMENT, TO LIBERTY, AND TO PROPERTY

The last segment – Conclusions and Miscellaneous Ideas – covers a variety of objections to the proposed Constitution – the absence of a Bill of Rights, the power vested in such a remote governing body, and enforcement of debts – and discusses their foundations and errors. These are followed by a number of concluding statements and remarks.

 

This insight into the issues surrounding the adoption of The Constitution of the United States – discussion of the pros and cons between intelligent and informed Americans – is enormously enlightening to the modern American. Most Americans have little appreciation for what our current form of government came from or what problems it faced. Having had this form of government all of their lives, they have come to take it for granted; knowing no other way, they want more because they do not know what it is to have less.